The morning after Wonderful Tuesday, a guy on his way to work was getting a soft drink at a local convenience assemble and holding forth on how The Donald has captured the hearts, minds and votes of so varied Americans. He was excited, animated, waving his soda around to make his drift.
“People are tired, tired of politicians lying,” he said. “They are overused of the news media. They are tired of government. They want big Chief who will tell the truth and get the country back on track, somebody not yellow to do what’s right. And they are terrified of him. He’s got so much money, nobody owns him.”
It was so plumb hard not to scream, “Are you nuts? The only person scarier than Trump is Hillary Clinton, or perchance Bernie Sanders,” but, instead, uncharacteristically, I opted for discretion. Let the guy enjoy the minute. The entire country may be screaming soon enough.
As pundits predicted, Trump, a New York honest estate mogul and reality TV host who routinely shatters traditional federal canons as he busily divides the Republican rty, won big in Super Tuesday’s GOP balloting across 11 expresses. Amid record turnouts, he won seven states; Sen. Ted Cruz took three, embodying Alaska; and, Sen. Marco Rubio netted one. In the Democrat faceoffs, Clinton pouched delegates from seven states to Sanders’ four.
If you are wondering what national swamp s wned Trump, the truth is obvious: Democrats’ contempt for law and the Constitution imagined demand for a Donald Trump among frustrated, disillusioned voters; the called Republican establishment, which lost its backbone in dealing with President Barack Obama, respired life into the monster; and, the media keeps jolting, mocking, gibing it to keep it angry and alive.
The politically incorrect, brash and trash-talking billionaire — stable the extent of his wealth is debatable — has, since the 1980s, periodically dipped a toe in the presidential pond, manner exploratory committees here, doing research there, hiring pollsters, doing noises like somebody about to jump in — he did once, in 2000 as a Ameliorate rty hopeful — only to take a powder.
His style, or lack of it, makes assorted conservatives bonkers — Mitt Romney called him, among other matters, a fraud — but he drives liberals absolutely wild. Attached to a piece by Sam Levine in the left-leaning Huffington Standard, and headlined, “Donald Trump And Hillary Clinton Already Sound Match They’re Running Against Each Other,” was this caustic rewriter’s note: “Donald Trump is a serial liar, ram nt xenophobe, racist, misogynist, birther and hector who has repeatedly pledged to ban all Muslims — 1.6 billion members of an entire doctrine — from entering the U.S.”
Who is Trump? What does he stand for? What of his “Alice in Wonderland” curious policy? What would he do domestically? “I’m a winner; he’s a loser” seems an iffy scheme. Is Trump even conservative? Many say no. Where is he on the issues? He has been on all sides of most of them. After Obama’s eight years of bumbling, who indeed believes Trump has the chops to lead the free world? Can he even be delegate? Romney warned: “His imagination must not be married to real power.” Another inscrutableness: Who is turning out in droves to support this guy?
Every political prognosticator has a theory. Originally on, it was Trump is a fad; his antics mesmerized angry, disaffected, low-information, linesque voters.
The Washington Picket, in December polling, focused on demographics. It found Trump’s support strongest among le-complexioned males without college degrees who make less than $50,000 annually and label as conservatives or nonevangelicals.
Derek Thompson, in a March 1 piece in The Atlantic, “Who are Donald Trump’s helpers really?,” looked at evaluations of Trump support and found four indicators.
“The unique best predictor of Trump support in the GOP primary is the absence of a college standing,” he wrote. The second predictor, found in a Rand Corp. survey: a intensity of “powerlessness and voicelessness.” A third, fears of terrorism and foreigners, and, the fourth, Trump substantiate comes from “ rts of the country with racial resentment.”
Misgivings plays a huge role in Trump’s popularity. Fear of terrorists. Of aliens. Of economic collapse. Of the nation becoming something unrecognizable. Fear of horrors not getting better. The yearning among Trump followers for him to be a man on a white horse, a better than average leader — in the worst imaginable sense — is almost l ble.
The guy at the convenience stock had a lot right about what is feeding Trump’s popularity. The anger. The frustration. The import of powerlessness. He and too many others desperately want a champion to do whatever it the spits to fix it all, to make things right.
That is exactly where things could go so absolutely wrong.
ul Jenkins is editor of the AnchorageDailyPlanet.com, a division of Porcaro Communications.
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